IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


:^ 


4 


^ 


^° 


1 

1.0    ^1^  1^ 

, lU    iU     BOO 

^        UiS, 

^ 

6"     

^ 

^ 


^> 


V 


% 


/; 


Hiotogiaphic 

Sdeiices 

Corporation 


33  WHT  MAIN  STRHT 

WIMTH.N.Y.  14SM 

(7U)  179-4303 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Instituta  for  Historical  Microraproduction*  /  institut  Canadian  da  mfcroraproductions  historiquas 


:V 


T«chnical  and  Bibliographic  Notaa/Notas  tacliniquai  at  bibliograplilquaa 


Tha  InatHuta  haa  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  baat 
original  copy  avallai>la  for  filming.  Faaturaa  of  thia 
copy  which  may  ba  blbHographicaNy  uniqua, 
which  may  altar  any  of  tha  imagaa  In  tha 
raproduction.  or  which  may  aignif  icantly  changa 
tlM  uaual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  chaclcad  ImIow. 


D 


Colourad  covarii/ 
Couvartura  da  coulaur 


I     I  Covara  damagad/ 


D 
D 


D 


D 


Couvartura  andommagAa 

Covaro  raatorad  and/or  iaminatad/ 
Couvartura  raataurAa  at/ou  pallicuMa 

Covar  titia  mlaaing/ 

La  titra  da  couvartura  manqua 

Colourad  map*/ 

Cartaa  gAographiquoa  an  coulaur 

Colourad  inic  (i.a.  othar  than  biua  or  blacic)/ 
Encra  da  coulaur  (i.a.  autra  qua  blaua  ou  noira) 


r~|  Colourad  piataa  and/or  illuatrationa/ 


Pianchat  at/ou  illuatrationa  an  coulaur 


Bound  with  othar  matarial/ 
RallA  avac  d'autraa  documanta 


Tight  binding  may  cauaa  shadowa  or  diatortion 
along  intarlor  margin/ 

La  raliura  aarria  paut  cauaar  da  I'ombra  ou  da  la 
diatortion  la  long  da  la  marga  IntAriaura 

BianK  laavaa  addad  during  raatoration  may 
appaar  within  tha  taxt.  Whanavar  poaalbla.  thaaa 
hava  baan  omittad  from  filming/ 
II  aa  paut  qua  cartainaa  pagaa  blanchaa  aJoutAaa 
lora  d'una  raatauration  apparaiaaant  dana  la  tairta. 
mala,  loraqua  oaia  Atait  poaalbla.  oaa  pagaa  n'ont 
paa  At*  filmAaa. 

Additional  commanta:/ 
Commantairaa  supplAmantairaa: 


L'Inatitut  a  microfiimi  la  maillaur  axampiaira 
qu1l  lui  a  At*  poaalbla  da  aa  procurer.  Laa  d4tall« 
da  cat  axampiaira  qui  aont  paut-Atra  uniquaa  du 
point  da  vua  bibiiographiqua,  qui  pauvant  moJiflar 
una  imaga  raprodulta,  ou  qui  pauvant  axigar  una 
modification  dana  la  mAthoda  normala  da  filmaga 
aont  indlquia  cl*daaaoua. 


D 
D 
D 
1x1 
D 

D 
D 


D 


This  itam  it  fllmad  ai  tha  raduotion  ratio  ohaokad  balow/ 

Ca  documant  aat  fllmi  au  taux  da  rAduotlon  Indiqu*  ci-daaaoui. 


Colourad  pagaa/ 
Pagaa  da  coulaur 

Pagaa  damagad/ 
Pagaa  andommagAaa 

Pagaa  raatorad  and/or  Iaminatad/ 
Pagaa  raataurAaa  at/ou  paiiiculAaa 

Pagaa  diacolourad,  atainad  or  foxad/ 
Pagaa  dAcoiorAaa,  tachatAaa  ou  piquAaa 

Pagaa  datachad/ 
Pagaa  dAtachAaa 

Showthrough/ 
Tranaparanca 

Quality  of  print  variaa/ 
Quallt*  InAgaia  da  i'impraaaion 

Includaa  aupplamantary  matarial/ 
Comprand  du  material  aupplAmantaira 


I — I   Only  adition  availabia/ 


Bauia  Mltlon  diaponlbia 

Pagaa  wholly  or  partially  obacurad  by  arrata 
alipa.  tiaauaa.  ate.  hava  baan  rafilmad  to 
anaura  tha  baat  poaalbla  Imaga/ 
Laa  pagaa  totalamant  ou  partialiamant 
obaourciaa  par  un  fauillat  d'arrata.  una  paiura. 
ate.  ont  At*  filmAaa  A  nouvaau  da  fa^on  A 
obtanir  la  meillaura  im<^ga  poaalbla. 


10X 

14X 

1IX 

22X 

2SX 

SOX 

12X 

16X 

»X 

MX 

ax 

32X 

That 
toth 


Thai 
poaai 
ofth 
flimii 


Origi 

bagii 

thali 

aion. 

othai 

firat 

aion, 

or  iil( 


Thai 
ahali 
TINU 
whic 

Mapi 
diffai 
antir 
bagif 
right 
raqui 
math 


Th«  copy  fHniMl  h&n  haa  bMn  raproduead  thanks 
to  tha  ganaroalty  off: 

Library  Diviaion 

Provincial  AreMvat  of  British  Columbia 


L'axamplaira  ffilmA  ffut  raprodult  grica  A  la 
oAfiAc-oaitA  da: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 


Tha  imagas  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  baat  quality 
poMibIa  conaldaring  tha  condition  and  Kaglbiiity 
off  tha  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
ffilming  contract  •paciffications. 


Laa  imagas  sulvantas  ont  AtA  raproduitas  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin.  compta  tanu  da  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattatA  da  l'axamplaira  film*,  at  mn 
confformitA  avac  las  conditiorns  du  contrat  da 
fiimaga. 


Original  capias  in  printad  papar  covers  ara  filmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  last  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impras- 
sion,  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriate.  All 
othar  original  copies  ara  filmad  baginning  on  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impras- 
sion.  and  anou  g  on  tha  last  paga  with  a  printad 
or  illustratad  imprassion. 


Tha  last  racordad  frama  on  aach  microfiche 
shall  contain  tha  symbol  -^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  ▼  (meaning  "END"). 
whichever  applies. 


Les  exemplairas  origineux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimAe  sent  fiimAs  en  comnven^ant 
par  la  premier  plet  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
darnlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration.  soit  par  la  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autras  exempleires 
origineux  sont  fiimAs  en  commenpent  par  la 
premiere  pege  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impretsion  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminent  per 
le  dernlAre  pege  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaltra  sur  la 
darnlAre  imege  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
ces:  le  symbols  -^  signifie  "A  8UIVRE".  le 
symbols  ▼  signifie  "FIN". 


Meps.  plates,  charts,  etc..  may  be  filmed  at 
diffferent  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tebieeux.  etc..  ptruvent  Atra 
filmis  A  des  taux  da  rAduction  diff Arents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA.  II  est  filmA  A  partir 
de  i'engle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite. 
et  de  haut  an  bas.  en  prenent  le  nombre 
d'imeges  nAcessaire.  Les  diegrammes  suivants 
illustrant  la  mAthode. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

"if> 


Ml 


fUedio/v 


} 


SPEECH 


OF 


MR.  RHETT,  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA, 


ON  THE 


OREGON  QUESTION. 


Delivered  in  the  House  of  Representatives^  U.  S.,  January  5, 1846. 


WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED  BY  J.  AND  O.  B.  GIDEON. 
1846. 


.#M«aMM«HIM 


t 

\ 


K^ 


f 


SPEECH. 


I 


House  or  Representatives,  Jiinuary  •>,  184C. — The  House  harin^  under  ronsidcration  th« 
joint  resolution  reported  by  the  Committee  on  Foreign  AtFuirs,  for  ifivin*  the  twelve  months' 
notice  to  Great  Britain  of  the  termination  of  the  Conventiftn  of  1827,  respecting  the  joint  oc- 
cupjition  of  Oregon:    Several  members  having  addressed  tl»e  House — 

Mr.  RHETT  obtained  the  floor,  and  spoke  as  follows  : 
Mr.  Speakeu:  The  gentleman  from  Ohio  who  had  just  taken  his  seat, 
had  stated .  and  stated  tridy,  that  the  question  before  the  House  was,  whether 
we  should  give  Great  Britain  the  notice  re([tiired  by  the  treaty  of  1827,  in 
order  that  the  common  occupancy  it  provides  for.  may  i)e  terminated;  and 
had  denounced  all  those  who  may  be  opposed  to  giving  the  notice,  as  doom- 
ed to  the  blackest  infamy,  and  the  curses  of  posterity.  (Mr.  McDowell  rose 
and  said,  that  he  us^ed  those  expressions  towards  those  only  who  were  op- 
posed to  getting  Oregon.)  Nobody  is  opposed  to  getting  Oregon;  but  I  am 
glad,  the  gentleman  hastiiialified  his  language;  because  otherwise,  he  would 
himself  have  fallen  tmder  his  own  demmciations.  I  hold  in  my  hand  the 
journal  of  the  last  session  of  Congress,  in  which  n  vote  on  this  very  tpiestion 
of  notice  to  (»reai  Britain  to  lorminute  the  convention  of  IS'iT,  is  recorded. 
A  resolution  had  been  offered  by  the  gentleman  from  Indiana  (Mr.  Owk.v) 
for  this  purpose  in  the  House.  That  resolution  was  referred  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Foreign  AfTairs.  The  conuniltee,  aidetl  by  my  vote  as  one  of  its 
members,  reported  against  the  resolution.  The  Coimnitlee  on  Territories 
subsetjuenily  reporteil  a  bill  with  res]>ecl  to  Oregon,  but  omitted  in  its  de- 
ails  the  notice  to  (treat  Britain  now  so  siriMuiously  tnged.  Thus  every 
couunittoe  of  the  last  House  of  Representatives  rejiorteil  against  this  mea- 
stire.  How  did  it  gel  into  the  bill?  The  geuileman  from  ^Nhtssachusetts, 
over  the  way.  (Mr.  Aoams.)  sngsrested  its  insertion;  and  it  was  inserted  in 
the  bill  tVoui  ibe  Comiiiill«M'  on  Territories,  by  a  vote  of  120  lo  SI .  The 
majority  of  bolb  the  .Soiilb  and  the  West,  voted  ag^iinsl  it.  M'be  gtjntlemiin 
from  niinuis  (Mr.  >N'K.\TwoH'ru ,) 'b<'  •r<Mi(leman  from  Missouri  (Air.  Bow- 
i.ix,)  llie  i.-'enlletnan  from  Ohio  (Mr.  AIcDdWiM.r.)  and  even  you,  Mr.  ►Sj)ejd< 
er,  joined  wilb  nx'  in  volinu"  airainsi  it.     And  now  we  are  to  hear  homilies 


J     »  Hj  L^  „4  ' 


concerning  this  measure,  upon  good  faith,  and  the  Baltimore  convention, 
and  Southern  honor  !!  Sir,  I  am  precisely  where  I  have  ever  been  on  this 
question.  I  opposed  it,  at  the  hist  Congress.  I  siiall  oppose  il  now,  unless 
good  reasons  can  be  given  to  induce  me  lo  change  iny  course.  The  change 
of  others,  operating  perhaps  ic  increase  the  fury  ef  their  zeo',  can  hardly  be 
expected  to  carry  conviction  to  any  mind  intent  only  on  truth  or  the  true 
interests  of  the  country.  When  the  bill  of  the  last  year,  finally  passed, 
many  with  myself  voted  for  it  with  great  reluctance,  althuugh  we  were  told, 
that  if  the  state  of  the  negotiations  then  pending  did  not  justify  it,  the 
notice  would  be  easily  stricken  out  in  the  Senute.  The  Senate  justified 
our  expectations  on  this  jwint,  aUhough  not  in  the  precise  mode  we  had 
expected;  and  the  notice  was  not  given. 

I  come,  sir,  to  this  question,  again  presented  to  the  House — shall  the  no- 
tice be  given  for  the  termination  of  the  joint  occupancy  with  Great  Britain  of 
the  Oregon  territory?  There  is  no  other  question  in  fact;  for  all  the  other 
measures  recommended  by  the  President  in  his  message,  with  respect  lo  the 
territory,  wii.  pass  with  scarcely  a  minority. 

And  the  first  position,  I  will  take  in  the  debate  is  this — those  who  are  for 
changing  the  existing  state  of  things — those  who  are  for  giving  the  notice  anil 
abrogating  the  (Convention  of  1827,  are  bound  lo  show,  the  propriety  and  pol- 
icy of  the  measure.  For  twenty  years,  the  convention  has  continued  under 
various  administrations.  If  the  |)olicy  of  the  past  is  to  be  changed,  lei  the 
reasons  be  assigned.  Declamation  about  the  valor  of  the  West,  and  the  ra- 
pacity of  (jlreal  Britain,  however  interesting,  will  not  be  sufiUcienl  to  decide 
the  (juestion.  In  order  that  we  may  understand  the  eifect  of  your  policy, 
we  ask,  what  is  your  object  in  giving  the  notic^; ?  Gentlemen  all  around 
me,  give  the  same  answer  the  President  in  his  message  shadows  forth.  He  says, 
that  "before  we  can  take  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  Oregon,  the  notice  must 
be  given;  and  he  recommends  accordingly , that  it  shall  be  given.  Well,  we 
give  the  notice,  in  order  that  we  may  proceed  at  the  end  of  the  year,  to  take 
"exclusive  jurisdiction  "  cf  Oregon  This  is  the  object  of  the  resolution  be- 
fore the  House.  If  we  are  told  now,  that  we  must  go  on  to  this  measure,  lo 
accomplish  this  object — how  much  stronger  will  be  the  argument  to  pride  and 
consistency ,  to  press  il  to  its  conclusion  wiien  once  begun .  Now ,  I  ask,  gen- 
tlemen, how  can  we  take  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  Oregon  without  war? 
Must  we  not,  to  accomplish  this  object,  at  the  end  of  twelve  months,  pull 
down  die  cross  of  St.  George  from  over  some  thirty  forts,  and  place  the  stripes 
and  stars  in  its  stead  and  either  drive  every  Briton  out  of  the  territory,  or 
compel  him  to  swear  allegiance  to  our  Government?   Is  this  what  gentlemen 


intend 
propose 
and  in 
ceased 
stances 
probabi 
not  ass! 
if  the  Y 
must  tu 
Now 
of  the  V 
lied  that 
cause  of 
nations  ( 
violence 
the  fonn 
institutio 
interests 
Jiaps,lig 
Sir,  I 
arc  tbe  n 
of  1827, 
ating  to  c 
On  the  C( 
Burrn,  it 
over  the  ( 
tions  acqi 
chanired. 
thousand: 
fxinios,  til 
inslrumei 
vast  coun 
against  u; 
dancy  in 
4y  urged . 
ihings,  it 
the  negoti 
<hat  have 
ve  not  re 


* 


intend  ?  If  not, the  notice  ought  to  be  abandoned.  But  if  this  is  what  they 
propose  to  do,  then  it  is  war — plain,  unequivocal  war — war  of  our  making, 
and  in  which  we  are  to  be  the  aggressors.  Negotiation,  we  are  told,  has 
ceased  on  our  part  ;  and  it  will  hardly  be  supposed,  under  such  circuin- 
stanros,  that  it  will  be  further  proposed  by  Great  liritain.  She  will,  most 
probably,  after  our  notice,  stand  on  the  defensive.  She  will  say,  "we  shall 
not  assail  you;  but  here  we  are, and  we  shall  not  move."  We  must  move, 
if  the  policy  proposed ,  is  carried  out.  We  must  he  the  aggressors.  We 
must  turn  Great  Britain  out  of  Oregon. 

Now  in  all  contests  b*  tween  nations,  involving  ihe  calamities  of  war,  it  is 
of  the  very  last  importance,  to  have  the  right.  We  should  noi  oidy  be  satis- 
lied  that  we  are  right,  but  the  cause  of  humanity  and  justice — the  great 
cause  of  free  govemiment  itself,  involved  in  our  destinies,  demands,  that  the 
nations  of  the  civilized  world,  should  perceive  that  we  are  right.  Wrong, 
violence  and  injustice,  are  the  attributes  of  tyrannies.  Peace  and  justice,  are 
the  foundations  of  all  free  governments.  To  move  in  accordance  with  our 
institutions,  we  must  shew,  in  the  clearest  nuumer,  that  either  our  essential 
interests,  or  our  vital  liberties,  require  us  to  assail  another  nation,  and,  per- 
liaps,  light  up  the  whole  of  Christendom  with  the  Hames  of  war. 

Sir,  I  have  listened  with  great  attention,  to  learn,  from  gentlemen ,  what 
arc  the  reasons  that  ie(|uire  us  to  change  our  position,  under  the  Convention 
of  1827,  and  become  the  aggressois  in  this  contest.  Is  the  convention  oper- 
ating to  our  disadvantage,  more  than  it  has  done  for  the  last  twenty  yeais? 
On  the  contrary,  under  the  administration  of  General  Jackson  and  Mr.  Van 
Buren,  it  did  o])erate  greatly  to  our  disadvantagp.  (Jreat  Britain,  scattered 
over  the  country  her  trading  posts  and  sottlemenls.  Yet,  these  administra- 
tions acquiesced  in  its  operation.  But  within  tlie  last  five  years,  things  have 
■changed.  Our  citizens  have  turned  their  faces  to  the  Paritic;  and  many 
thousands  have  entered  that  territory.  Daily  the  tidings  arrive  of  new  com- 
|)anies,  taking  up  their  march  across  the  Rocky  MouiUains,  by  the  j>eaceful 
instrumentality  of  emigration,  to  settle  the  ownership  and  destiny  of  that 
vast  country.  Thus,  we  endured  the  convention  of  IS27,  whilst  operating 
against  us;  but  now,  when  it  is  rapidly  and  surely  securing  to  us  the  ascen- 
dancy in  Oregon,  and  nmst  give  us  its  final  mastery,  its  al)rogation  is  furious- 
ly urged.  If  Great  Britain  shotild  be  dissatistied  with  the  present  state  of 
Ihings,  it  would  be  natural  enough,  (ientlemen  should  remember,  that 
4be  negotiations  which  have  lately  taken  j)Iace,and  that  all  negotiation.^ 
that  have  heretofore  taken  place,  have  been  at  her  insfatice.  Why  should 
%ve  not  rest  under  the  Convention  of  1827,  with  all  the  advantage;'  it  secuiea 


us;  and  compel  her  to  move,  or  surrender  the  territory  under  its  operation- 
Why  should  we  not  make  her  to  be  the  aggressor — make  her  give  ns 
the  notice,  and  expel  us  out  of  Oregon  ?  In  taking  the  contrary  course,  we 
are  pursuing  the  very  policy  she  desires,  and  are  subserving  her  isjterests,. 
not  ours. 

One  gentleman,  and  one  only,  has  attempted  to  show, that  the  conven- 
tion of  1827  operated  against  us.  The  gentleman  from  Indiana,  (Mr. 
OwF.x.^  whose  accurate  knowledge  of  this  whole  subject,  and  ability  in  en- 
forcing his  opinions,  entitle  all  that  falls  from  him  to  great  consideration,  has 
staled,  I  hat  the  notice  should  be  given,  because  our  citizens  are  not  allowed 
by  the  British,  to  seule  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Columbia.  But  how  arc 
they  ])revented  ?  The  gentleman  has  told  us,  in  a  very  grievous  tale.  One 
of  cur  })oor  settlers  lately  pilcluHl  his  cabin  on  the  north  side  of  the  Colum- 
bia river;  and  forthwith  received  a  bonus  of  eight  hundred  dollars  to  go  oveif 
to  the  soiuh  side!  And  this  is  the  enormous  evil,  under  the  great  scarcity  of 
land,  which  we  must  no  longer  endine,  and  which  calls  upon  us  as  a  na- 
tion, to  })ut  an  end  to  the  convention  !  But  the  gentleman  assigned  another 
reason.  The  notice  should  be  given,  in  order  to  prevent  collision,  because 
our  hardy  emigrants  j/o///</ go  north  of  the  Columbia.  How  these  two 
easons,  can  be  consistent  with  each  other,  it  may  not  be  easy  to  compre. 
liend.  We  must  give  the  notice  because  our  settlers  cannot  go  north  of 
the  Columbia  river;  and  then,  we  must  give  it,  because  they  will.  But  the 
notice  is,  to  prevent  collision  in  Oregon  I!  How  that  will  be,  if  we  are  to 
turn  the  British  out  of  the  territory,  in  consccpience  of  it,  it  is  hard  to 
understand.  If  it  does  avoid  collision  in  Oregon,  will  it  not  precipitate  it 
over  the  whole  world?  A  genera)  war  with  (iireat  Britain,  is  his  method 
of  avoiding  collision  in  Oregon!  Such  reasoning,  surely,  cannot  be  ne- 
cessary to  a  strong  cause. 

But  let  us  yield,  that  we  have  any  advantages  under  the  convention  of 
1827.  Suppose  it  operates  to  the  benefit  of  Creat  Britain,  instead  of  ours — 
how  can  abrogating  the  convention,  in  order  that  we  may  extend  our  ''  ex- 
clusive iurisdictit>n"  over  Oregon,  gain  us  the  territory?  Can  we  take  ex- 
clusive jurisdiction  ?  and  if  we  can,  is  it  worth  the  necessary  cost? 

Sir,  it  is  hardly  worth  while  to  mention  Oregon  in  the  war,  if  we  are  to 
have  a  war  with  Great  Britain  for  it.  If  Uiere  is  any  fight  there,  it  requires 
no  great  powers  of  prophesy  to  foretell,  in  the  present  state  of  things,  with 
^hom  will  be  the  mastery.  Great  Britain,  with  her  forts  and  military  pre- 
parations, with  thousands  of  Indians  mider  her  control,  is  certainly  most 
likely  to  prevail  nguinst  our  settlers,  scattered  and  unarmed,  without  a  can 


non  0 
Inoun 
positic 
Ameri 
other. 
After  I 
(he  R( 
ploy  tl 
taking 
time  si 
mand  ; 
Duke 
United 
for  sucl 
disposit 
it  must 
perhaps 
Oregon 
ful,  anc 
gain  it 
without 
peace, 
spirit  w 
used  in 
cannon' 
vanquis 
ever, 
paraginj: 
haustin 
Sir,  I 
sources, 
obtai'i  C 
to  be  ris 
Owen) 
and  disp 
"when  gr 
each  otl 
Britain  j 
tions. 


•!*■ 


ration, 
ve  u* 
36,  we 
terests  , 

onven- 
,  (Mr. 
r  in  en- 
)n ,  has 
illowed 
low  arc 
J.    One 
Colum- 
go  oveif 
ircity  of 
s  a  na- 
another 
because 
icse  two 
compre. 
north  of 
But  thft 
e  are  to 
hard  to 
ipitate  it 
method 
be  ne- 

ntion  of 
jf  ours — 
[)ur  '■'■  ex- 
take  ex- 

vvc  are  to 
I  requires 
iigs,  will) 
itary  prc- 
inly  niosi 
)ut  a  can 


non  or  a  block  house  to  defend  them,  and  himdreds  of  miles  of  trackless 
mountains  intervening,  to  prevent  our  aid.  At  least,  she  can  maintain  he 
position,  and  prevent  our  conquest.  If  the  people  of  Oregon,  British  and 
American,  however,  act  with  wisdom,  tliey  will  keep  the  peace  with  each 
other,  and  leave  the  two  nations  to  fight  out  the  war  between  themselves. 
After  the  first  gun  is  fired,  we  will  hear  no  more  of  Oregon  on  this  side  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains.  Our  people,  will  have  quite  fighting  enough  to  em- 
ploy them  nearer  home,  involving  far  nearer  and  dearer  interests.  The 
taking  or  re-taking  of  Canada,  Nova  Scotia,  or  NewBrimswick — the  mari- 
time supremacy  of  the  seas — our  ravaged  coasts  or  burning  cities,  will  de- 
mand nil  the  energies  rage,  ambition,  and  lust  can  give  to  war.  As  the 
Duke  of  Wellington  once  said  in  the  British  Parliament,  a  war  with  the 
United  States,  can  be  no  'kittle  war."  The  fact,  'fiat  it  shall  have  arisen 
for  such  a  cause  as  Oregon,  so  fairly  liable  to  adjustment,  if  there  was  any 
disposition  for  peace ,  will  be  an  infallible  indication ,  of  the  extremities  to  which 
it  must  go.  It  must  be  connnon  to  every  sea  and  continent;  and  convulse, 
perhaps  involve,  the  whole  civilized  world  in  its  fearful  ravages.  How  can 
Oregon  be  gained  by  such  a  war?  In  but  one  way.  We  must  be  success- 
ful,  and  overthrow  the  mighty  fabric  of  the  British  empire.  We  cannot 
gain  it  by  a  drawn  fight,  after  mutual  injuries,  like  our  last  war,  concluded 
without  the  original  cause  of  its  existence ,  being  even  mentioned  in  the  terms  of 
peace.  The  nature  of  the  object  contended  for,  will  not  admit  of  this.  The 
spirit  which  creates  the  contest  will  not  tolerate  it.  We  must,  in  language 
used  in  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol,  be  able  "to  dictate  our  terms  at  the 
cannon's  mouth."  The  mightiest  nation  since  the  days  of  Rome,  must  be 
vanquished  by  our  arms;  and  her  pride  and  her  glory,  be  torn  from  her  for- 
ever. She  is  of  the  same  great  race  with  ourselves;  and  it  would  be  dis- 
paraging our  proud  ancestry  to  suppose,  that  any  other  than  a  long,  ex- 
hausting, and  terrific  struggle,  can  accomplish  her  downfall. 

Sir,  I  ask  gendemen,  with  the  most  extravagant  estimate  of  our  re- 
sources, are  they  sure  that  we  are  adequate  to  such  an  enterprise,  and  con  thus 
obtain  Oregon?  They  ought  to  be  sure,  for  the  sacrifices  are  too  migi^ly 
to  be  risked  on  hazards.  It  may  be,  as  the  gentleman  from  Indiana  (Mr. 
Owen)  intimated ,  that  we  may  be  compelled  to  meet  Great  Britain  in  arms, 
and  dispute  her  ascendancy  in  the  world.  History  has  shown  that  nations, 
when  great,  will  aim  at  supremacy;  and,  from  being  rivals,  soon  look  upon 
each  other  as  enemies.  Carthage  and  Rome  in  ancient  times;  and  Great 
Britain  and 'France  for  many  centuries  past,  elucidate  this  tendency  in  na- 
tions.    Despite  the  strong  ties  of  origin  and  interests,  we  may  be  compelled, 


8 

from  the  same  causes ,  to  meet  Great  Britain  in  a  mortal  struggle ,  in  which 
one  or  the  other  people  must  be  overthrown.  But  the  gentlenian's  policy, 
in  precipitating  a  contest  now  concerning  Oregon,  is  utterly  at  variance  with 
such  anticipations.  If  such  a  contest  is  to  arise,  is  it  our  policy  to  make  or 
hasten  it?  Time  can  win  us  Oregon.  Time  can  place  us  above  such  a 
struggle,  or  give  us  power  successfully  to  meet  it.  Look  at  our  progress  to 
greatness  and  power.  Already,  in  fifty  years,  upwards  of  twenty  millions 
of  people,  daily  increa:?ing  beyond  all  parallel,  with  a  commerce,  binding  to 
us,  in  the  golden  chains  of  interest,  every  nation  in  every  clime.  We  are 
gaining,  and  Great  Britain,  is  relatively  toying  power  every  day, both  in  Or- 
egon and  throughout  the  world.  Why  should  we  interrupt  our  certain  and 
inevitable  destiny  to  supremacy  amongst  the  nations  of  the  earth,  by  a  pre- 
mature contest,  if  called  for  by  neither  interest  nor  honor?  If  Great  Britain 
should  believe  gentlemen's  speculations  to  be  true, she,  indeed,  migit  urge 
on  the  contest;  or,  what  for  her  would  be  far  better,  leave  it  to  those  who 
are  here  pressing  matters  to  an  issue  with  her,  to  work  out  her  policy.  But 
this  is  not  the  course  which  American  interests  require.  Give  us  fifty,  thirty, 
twenty  years-t-and  we  can  defy  Great  Britain  or  the  world. 

But  we  are  not  to  have  the  war  with  Great  Britain  alone,  if  the  nature  of 
the  struggle  shall  be  such  as  gentlemen  have  vauntingly  and  defyingly 
maintained.  They  say,  that  it  will  bo  a  war  between  systems  of  govern- 
ment— between  monarchy  and  republicanism — between  despotic  and  free 
governments.  IN ow,  that  Great  Britain  should  endeavor  to  give  this  aspect  to 
any  war  she  may  have  with  us,  for  any  cause ,  is  natural  enough.  If  she  can 
succeed  in  njaking  the  crowned  heads  of  Europe  believe,  that  the  spirit  of 
Revolutionary  France  is  abroad  in  the  United  States;  and  that  we  have  seized 
the  sword,  to  upturn  their  thrones,  and  force  liberty  throughout  the  world, 
she  will  not  lack  allies  in  her  cause.  Our  fate — the  fate  of  republican  gov- 
ernment, entrusted  to  our  care  and  niainlonance,  will  be  sealed.  Great  as 
we  may  be,  it  will  hardly  be  maintained,  that  we  can  vanquish  all  Christen- 
dom combined  against  us.  Sir,  again  I  ni^k  the  question,  if  this  is  to  be  the 
contest,  what  can  we  gain  by  precipitating  it  ?  Should  we  not  wail — wait 
until  we  gather  the  strength,  which  time  isci^rtainly  and  inevitably  bringing 
to  our  aid  ?  Wait  until  we  are  assailed — and  then,  wait  still  longer  if  we 
can,  whilst  we  make  preparations  belter  to  fight  for  liberty  and  life.  If 
Oregon  is  to  involve  us  in  a  contest,  in  which  our  very  existence  is  to  bia 
staked,  let  us  understand  the  issue.  We  are  to  get  Oregon,  by  vanquishing 
the  world ! ! 

But  admit  thai  we  succeed— we  overthrow  the  British  pmpire — plant  our 


9 


«agle  on  the  palace  of  St.  James — force  free  governments  over  every  throne 
in  Europe;  and  Oregon — the  whole  of  Oregon,  is  ours.  What  then?  We 
must  bo  ruined  ourselves.  Suppose  the  Union  and  our  form  of  free  gov- 
ernment survives  the  contest,  can  any  gentleman  believe  that,  in  reality ^ 
our  Government  will  be  the  same  at  its  tennination ,  as  at  its  commencement? 
I  am  one  of  those  who  believe,  that  all  the  liberty  our  Constitution  confers, 
exists  in  its  limitations.  Take  away  its  limitations — its  admiraUe  partition 
of  powers  between  the  States  and  tlic  federal  head ,  by  which  the  different 
sections  of  the  Union  can  protect  their  peculiar  interests,  and  it  erects  over 
us,  one  of  the  most  odious  despotisms  the  world  has  ever  seen.  Sir,  all  my 
life,  and  here  for  nine  years,  1  have  been  striving  to  enforce  these  limita- 
tions, in(o  the  practice  of  the  Government.  The  tendency  of  the  system,  is 
to  centralization ,  as  its  general  operation  clearly  proves.  Nothing  but  a 
,  cahn  reasoning  intelligence,  can  b^  nble  to  arrest  this  tendency,  and  secure 
J  to  the  States  the  rightful  powers  beloaving  to  them;  and  thus  secure  liberty 
and  safety  to  the  citizens  in  all  parts  of  the  Union.  Such  a  state  of  the  popular 
mind,  cannot  exist  in  war.  AI!  wars  are  adverse  to  lil)erty.  They  produce 
violence,  not  virtuous  restraint.  They  appeal  to  force,  and  net  to  reason. 
But  with  oui  system  of  government,  we  must  strengthen ,  by  employing  alone 
in  war,  the  powers  of  the  General  Government.  The  limitations  of  the  Con- 
stitn  ion  will  be  subverted ,  if  in  the  least  in  the  way  of  the  efficient  prosecution, 
of  liosiiliiies;  whilst  all  opposition  to  save  the  system,  by  insisting  on  its  limita- 
tions, will  be  considered  Jis  unpatriotic  or  treacherous.  Nor  are  these  infer- 
ences, mere  speculations.  The  only  wars  we  have  ever  had,  although  far 
shorter  than  ciui  be  anticipated  from  the  struggle  we  have  now  proposed  to  us, 
ended  in  enforcing  Federalism  in  the  system.  After  our  Revolutionary  war, 
the  iirst  movements  of  our  form  of  government,  under  the  military  influ- 
ences of  our  Revolution,  were  to  Federalism.  Again,  after  our  last  war, 
although  originating  with  the  Republican  or  Democratic  jmrty,and  support- 
I  ed  by  them — all  their  principles  were  subverted,  under  the  influences  it  left 
behind  it.  The  paper  system  it  engendered — its  banks — its  debts — its  tariffs 
— its  internal  improvements,  although  partially  overthrown ,  still  form  the 
points  of  controversy  between  the  two  great  parties  of  ihe  country.  It  has 
retjuired  thirty  years  of  peace  and  discussion,  to  rid,  even  partially,  the 
C-'onstituiion  of  its  corrupt  and  centralizing  influences.  Who  will  look 
for  any  reform  of  the  taxing  power,  or  your  vicious  system  of  expendi- 
tures, after  such  a  war  as  gentlem«in  propose?  All  the  limitations  of  the 
Constitution,  from  long  desuetude,  will  be  obsolete  ;  and  your  Presi- 
dent, re-elected  at  his  volition,  will  be  the  monarch  of  a  despotism.    IC 


10 


(he  Constitution  and  liberty  itself  will  be  thus  endangered  ;  does  it  not 
become  gentlemen,  to  show  clearly  the  necessity  of  any  measure  which 
may  lead  to  such  disasters  ?  If  war  wins  the  wealth  and  empire  of  the 
world,  it  would  be  too  dear  at  such  a  cost.  But  war,  is  waste  and  poverty. 
It  is  crime,  enormous  crime — generally  of  all  parties  concerned,  but  always 
of  one ;  ond  as  they  have  been  usually  conducted ,  they  are  unmitigated 
evils,  and  the  fiercest  scourges  of  God.  The  only  wars  which  can  be  justi- 
fiable, and  under  which  a  free  government  can  endure,  are  wars  of  de- 
fence— wars  to  prevent  tyranny  and  wrong.  Such  were  the  only  two  wars, 
in  which  we  have  been  engaged,  since  we  have  been  a  people.  In  such  a 
war,  I  know  wc  arc  unconquerable;  and  I  neither  fear  Great  Britain  nor  any 
other  nation  whom  the  lust  of  conquest  may  bring  against  us.  But  it  is 
another  thing,  when  we  are  to  become  the  assailants,  and  conquer  others. 
They  may  be,  acting  on  the  defensive,  as  unconquerable  as  we  are;  nor 
can  we  be  con((uorers  of  others,  without  being  conquorers  of  ourselves.  Is 
it  such  a  war,  in  which  gentlemen  propose,  we  shall  now  engage?  No,  sir. 
We  are  to  be  ihe  assailants — conquer  Great  Britain — overthrow  monarchy 
in  the  world,  and  wind  up,  by  re-establishing  it,  over  the  ruins  of  American 
liberty  and  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  And  this  is  the  way  to 
get  Oregon ! !  Sir,  I  am  for  getting  Oregon;  but,  according  to  my  humble 
apprehension,  this  is  plainly  a  very  had  way  of  losing  Oregon.  Gentlemen 
are  furious  in  denouncing  Great  Britain,  but  they  may  be  assured,  if  they 
do  not  know  it,  that  they  are  her  very  best  friends,  pursuing  such  a  policy. 

But  we  are  told  our  honor  recjuires  us  to  give  the  notice  proposed,  and  to 
move  on  to  the  possession  of  Oregon ,  reckless  of  consequences.  We  are  all 
of  us,  I  beheve,  for  moving  on — certainly  as  far  as  Great  Britain  has  gone. 
But  this  is  mere  matter  of  policy.  What  has  our  honor  to  do  with  this  ques- 
tion in  any  form  ?  Does  any  one  alledge  that  Great  Britain  has  violated  the 
convention  of  1827,  and,  therefore,  it  should  be  annulled?  There  is  no 
such  allegation.  Is  our  honor  tarnished,  by  its  existence?  Then  Great 
Britain,  the  other  party  to  it,  is  also  dishonored;  and  all  the  great  statesmen 
preceding  us  since  1818,  who  originated  and  have  continued  this  conven- 
tion, have  had  unmerited  reputations.  What  has  Great  Britain  done  or 
said;  to  touch  our  honor?  I  have  heard  of  nothing,  but  the  tone  of  the  ne- 
gotiation. I  have  read  over  the  correspondence  between  the  negotiators,, 
and  can  sec  nothing  in  it  that  the  most  delicate  sensibility  to  insult  or  wrong 
amongst  gentlemen,  could  be  offended  at .  But  if  it  had  been  far  other- 
wise— is  the  honor  of  a  great  nation ,  to  take  tiro  at  the  good  or  bad  maimers 
or  style  of  their  agents?    The  honor  of  a  country,  in  u  free  government. 


\ 


u 


it  not 
whichr 
of  the 
'verty. 
always 
litigated 
•e  justi- 
of  de- 
[o  wars, 
such  a 
lor  any 
t  it  is 
others, 
re;  nor 
es.     Is 
fo,  sir. 
larchy 
lerican 
^ray  to 
umble 
lemen 
f  they 
''icy. 
md  to 
ire  all 
?one. 
ques- 
d  the 


is  not  the  property  of  the  punctilious  few, or  of  one  man,batof  the  people ;  and 
can  scarcely  be  separated,  from  its  essential  interests.  It  will  not  only  be 
jealous,  but  just;  and  can  never  disregard  the  great  object  of  all  association  in 
government — protection  to  property ,  liberty ,  and  life .  Remember ,  what  our 
ancestors  endured  in  our  Revolution,  and  still  more  signally,  in  1812,  from 
this  very  nation,  before  tliey  appealed  to  arms.  If  I  had  heard  from  the 
South,  this  extraordinary  enunciation  of  our  honor  being  implicated  in  the 
measure  proposed,  I  could,  in  some  measure,  comprehend  it.  Our  last  war, 
which  they  forced  on,  was  with  them,  a  war  for  honor,  and  nothing  else. 
But  to  hear  it  from  the  North,  and  the  Northwest,  where  the  word  is 
scouted  as  equivalent  to  murder,  is  very  surprising.  Here  are  gentlemen, 
who  would  hang  as  a  felon  any  Southern  gentleman ,  who  should  appeal  to 
the  duel  to  redress  an  insult;  and  yet,  for  no  insult  at  all — for  no  wrong,  or 
alleged  wrong — they  would  plunge  two  of  the  greatest  nations  in  the  world 
into  war,  ''to  maintain  the  nation's  honor  I"  They  act,  I  suppose,  on  the 
principle,  that  "one  murder  makes  a  villain — millions  a  hero."  Sir,  I 
am  no  advocate  for  private  war;  but  I  am  at  a  loss  to  imderstand,  how  gen- 
tlemen can  so  recklessly  mge  on  and  defend  a  great  public  war,  and  yet 
condenm  private  war.  If  insult,  cannot  justify  violence  in  the  individual, 
neither  can  it  justify  it  in  a  nation  composed  of  its  individuals.  Matters 
seem  to  be  strangely  reversed.  It  is  the  South  now,  that  is  dead  to  national 
honor  !  The  North — the  religious  and  moral  North — in  itsliery  impatience 
at  even  imaginary  wrong,  is  for  rushing  into  war;  and,  with  its  panting 
chivalry,  taunts  die  tame  reluctance  of  the  South  to  vindicate  "the  honor  of 
the  country  !"  Sir,  I  have  no  imputations  to  make  against  the  North  or 
West,  in  this  finy  for  strife  and  carnage;  but  I  hope,  I  may  be  pardoned  at 
least  for  saying, that  the  South  needs  no  defender  here  against  charges,  ex- 
press or  implied,  of  indilTcrence  to  the  honor  of  the  Union,  or  of  readiness 
to  maintain  it.  Whilst  historv  exists,  she  needs  no  other  vindicator.  But 
she  will  not,  without  cause,  take  oU'ence  when  none  is  intended;  nor  rush 
into  a  war,  when  it  cannot  be  shown,  that  either  the  interest  or  honor  of  the 
Union,  requires  its  stern  alternative.  But  if,  against  her  judgment  and  willy 
«he  is  overruled  in  the  common  council,  to  which,  by  the  Constitution,  all 
such  matters  are  entrusted ,  she  will  abide  the  issue.  As  heretofore,  she 
will  take  her  part  in  the  struggle;  and  where  the  battle  is  hottest  and 
thickest,  there  she  will  be  found. 

Mr.  Speaker,  I  regretted  to  hear  a  collo(|uy  which  passed  yesterday  be- 
tween the  gentleman  from  New  York,  (Mr.  KiN(f,)  and  the  gentleman 
from  Illinois  (M.r.  Doicjlass.)     It  seems, ihut  the  genllcnian  from  lllinoia 


I 


12 

had  said,  tliat  a  game  was  being  played,  to  defeat  action  on  the  subject  of 
Oregon  in  this  House ;  and  the  gentleman  from  New  York ,  by  way  of  tel- 
ling the  House,  what  that  game  wa?,  pulled  out  of  his  desk  the  Times 
newspaper, of  London, and  read  an  extract , in  which  it  was  anticipated ,  from 
the  most  manifest  causes  of  interest,  that  the  south  and  the  east  would  be 
opposed  to  immediate  and  extreme  measures.  The  gentleman  had  men- 
tioned but  one  name — (Mr.  Calhoux) — but  that  was  a  talisman  quite  suf- 
jdcient  to  open  his  designs.  As  the  gentleman  is  so  ready  to  charge  games 
on  others,  who  may  oppose  the  measure  before  the  House,  I  suppose  he 
cannot  object  to  hear,  what  others  say  of  his  game  in  supporting  it.  Well, 
then,  it  is  said  that  the  gentleman  and  his  nordiern  friends,  a.e  engaged  in 
the  interesting  game  of  overthrowing,  in  the  Democratic  party,  that  south- 
ern portion  of  it,  which  is  supposed  to  have  overthrown,  m  the  late  presi- 
dential election,  the  pretensions  of  New  York  to  the  Presidency.  By  the 
use  of  the  Texas  question,  the  We.«t  and  the  South  were  unitetl,  and  the 
North  was  placed  in  a  minority,  and  her  leading  statesman  put  aside  for  the 
Presidency.  The  gentleman  and  his  friends,  under  the  highest  sense  of 
patriotism ,  now  propose,  to  unite  the  West  and  the  North  by  the  question  of 
Oregon,  and  thus  tl-^stroy  the  ascendancy  of  the  South;  well  knowing,  that 
her  leading  statesmen,  will  not  sacrifice  the  interests  of  that  great  region,  for 
party  power  or  personal  aggrandizement.  Hence  his  burning  zeal  for  the 
whole  of  Oregon  ;  and  the  weak  but  poisoned  shafts,  he  aims  against  the 
great  statesman  of  the  South.  The  gentleman  from  Illinois,  (Mr.  Doug- 
lass,) also,  is  sup]X)sed  to  be  in  a  game  equally  interesting.  The  West  is 
to  make  the  next  President;  and,  for  this  purpose,  nothing  is  so  well  adapt- 
ed, as  to  unite  the  whole  West  on  some  great  Western  measure.  The 
question  of  Oregon,  by  appealing  at  once  to  their  hatred  of  Great  Britain, 
the  lust  of  dominion,  and  the  supposed  interests  of  the  Union,  will  sweep 
over  the  country  like  a  whirlwind,  lifting  up  those  who  uphold,  and  over- 
throwing all  who  oppose  it.  Thus,  arc  the  properly  and  blood  of  the 
people  of  the  United  States,  to  be  staked ,  in  this  mighiy  and  j)rortigate  gam- 
being  for  ]x)wer  and  pluce.  In  this  game ,  are  also  joined  many  who  oppose 
all  reform  in  this  (iovernment,  especially  on  the  Taril!'.  They  remember 
the  policy  of  the  Roman  aristocracy,  in  getting  up  foreign  wars,  whenever 
tiie  people  sought  to  reform  the  corruptions  luul  abuses  they  had  spread 
over  the  Slate.  To  these,  are  addeil,  all  who  hate  the  South  and  their  in- 
stitutions, Uke  the  gentleman  from  Mussacluiselis,  (Mr.  Adams,)  and  the 
gentleman  from  Ohio,  (Mr.  (iiDDimjs.)  When  such  evil  birds  are  on  the 
wing,  we  know  the  prey  they  seek.     The  South  is  to  be  (Jesolated,  by 


^  * 


14 

invasion  from  abroad,  and  insurreclion  within.  The  North,  is  to  be 
strengthened,  by  the  addition  of  the  British  possessions  north  of  our 
Union;  and  the  South,  and  all  Southern  refonns,  be  forever  buried 
beneath  the  fury  of  the  stcnn  such  master  spirits  shall  raise  and  con- 
trol. Sir,  I  listened  with  great  attention  to  the  plea  of  the  gentleniau 
from  Ohio  (*?»lr.  McDowell)  for  changing  his  course  on  this  ques- 
tion. With  nie,  he  was  formerly  opposed  to  this  notice;  but  he  changes 
his  course  now,  because  it  is  the  will  of  his  constituents.     Whilst  changing 

5  liis,  he  will  not  deny  to  other  gentlemen  the  duty  of  adhering  to  their 
position,  from  the  same  controlling  cause.  I  can  see  nothing  but  dis- 
aster to  my  constituents,  from  the  war  his  policy  proposes.    His  constituents, 

•  have  scarcely  anything  to  export  to  foreign  nations.  Nearly  all  that  my 
constituents  produce,  is  dependent  on  foreign  nations  for  consumption,  espe- 
cially on  that  nation,  with  whom  it  is  proposed  to  war.  His  constituents, 
will  be  far  away  from  the  contest — mine  must  meet  it,  face  to  face.  His 
people,  will  have  a  market  for  their  grain,  in  the  armies  which  must  mus- 
ter and  fight  on  our  Northern  line — mine,  nuist  see  their  produce  rot  in  their 
barns,  or  be  piled  up  in  their  fields,  or  be  consumed  by  the  enemy.  These 
evils,  or  evils  a  thousand  times  worse ,  are  no  causes  for  not  entering  into  a  just 
war,  to  maintain  the  honor  or  rights  of  the  Union;  but  they  arc  sufficient,  to 
make  them  demand,  to  make  me  demand,  in  their  name,  that  you  show, 
clearly  and  distinctly,  that  duty  and  patriotism  require  the  sacrifice;  and 
that,  all  other  measures  for  peace  being  exhausted,  we  have  no  other  alterna- 
tive than  the  sword,  to  restore  the  outraged  honor  and  violated  rights  of  the 
country.  Independently  of  interest,  every  principle  of  justice,  humanity, 
and  Christianity,  requires  that  this  shall  be  done.  Let  our  consciences  be 
clear  of  unnecessary  blood ;  and,  like  our  fathers,  we  be  able,  with  confi- 
dence, to  appeal  to  the  Great  Arbitc-  of  the  fate  of  nations  for  his  approba- 
tion and  support.  Then  victory,  may  not  be  ruin;  and  even  defeat,  be  success; 
and  military  conquest,  which  has  overthrown  every  other  republic  which  has 
entered  on  its  devastating  career,  may  at  least  not  leave  us  slaves.  I  do  not 
believe, negotiation  to  be  exhausted.  I  do  not  believe  war  to  be  inevitable; 
and  1  am,  therefore,  for  leaving  in  those  hands, to  which  the  Constitution 
fcas  entrusted  them,  the  conduct,  as  well  as  the  responsibility,  of  all  mea- 
fures  which,  in  the  present  state  of  things,  affect  the  question  of  peace  or 
"war.  The  Executive,  I  trust,  in  the  estimation  of  gentlemen,  is  competent 
to  this  high  duty;  and  whilst  maintaining  peace,  will  vindicate  the  honor 
and  rights  of  the  Union. 


